Overview of Constructing Family: a Typology of Voluntary Kin

Customs. What is community and why should educators exist concerned with it? We explore the development of theory around customs, and the significance of boundaries, social networks and social norms – and why attention to social uppercase and communion may be important.

contents: budgeted the theory of community · customs and boundary · community and network · community – norms and habits · social upper-case letter and customs · communion and community · further reading · references · links · how to cite this commodity

Since the tardily nineteenth century, 'the employ of the term community has remained to some extent associated with the hope and the wish of reviving once more than the closer, warmer, more harmonious blazon of bonds betwixt people vaguely attributed to by ages' (Elias 1974, quoted by Hoggett 1997: 5). Before 1910 at that place was piffling social science literature concerning 'community' and it was really merely in 1915 that the start clear sociological definition emerged. This was coined by C. J. Galpin in relation to delineating rural communities in terms of the trade and service areas surrounding a cardinal village (Harper and Dunham 1959: 19). A number of competing definitions of community quickly followed. Some focused on community as a geographical area; some on a group of people living in a particular place; and others which looked to community as an expanse of common life.

Beyond this there are issues around the way 'customs' appears in political discourse. For some it might mean trivial more than a glorified reworking of the market. For others, information technology may exist a powerful organizing ideal (such every bit those concerned with advancing the communitarian agenda). Here we will focus on understandings within social theory – and ask why should educators be interested in them?

Approaching the theory of customs

It is helpful to begin past noting that customs can exist approached every bit a value (Frazer 2000: 76). Equally such information technology may well be used to bring together a number of elements, for instance, solidarity, delivery, mutuality and trust. Information technology comes close to the third of the ideals that were inscribed on many of the banners of the French Revolution – fraternity (the others, every bit you will most likely call back, were liberty and equality). Socialists such as William Morris talked similarly of 'fellowship':

Fellowship is heaven, and lack of fellowship is hell; fellowship is life, and lack of fellowship is expiry; and the deeds that ye practise upon the earth, information technology is for fellowship'southward sake ye do them. (A Dream of John Ball, Ch. iv; kickoff published in The Commonweal 1886/7)

Community can also be approached as a descriptive category or set up of variables (come across below). In practice the ii are entwined and often hard to separate (Frazer 2000: 76).

Here nosotros will initially explore community in 3 different ways (after Willmott 1986; Lee and Newby 1983; and Crow and Allen 1995). As:

• Place. Territorial or place customs can be seen as where people have something in mutual, and this shared element is understood geographically. Some other manner of naming this is every bit 'locality'. This approach to community has spawned a rich literature – first in 'customs studies' and more recently in locality studies (often focusing on spatial divisions of labour).
• Interest. In interest or 'elective' communities people share a common characteristic other than place. They are linked together by factors such as religious conventionalities, sexual orientation, occupation or ethnic origin. In this way we may talk about the 'gay community', the 'Catholic customs' or the 'Chinese community'. Development in what might be chosen the sociology of identity and selfhood have played an important role in 'opening out the conceptual space within which non-place forms of customs tin can exist understood' (Hoggett 1997: 7). 'Elective groups' and 'intentional communities' (ranging, according to Hoggett op cit from cyber-communities to car-boot enthusiasts) are a key characteristic of contemporary life
• Communion. In its weakest class we tin approach this as a sense of attachment to a place, grouping or idea (in other words, whether there is a 'spirit of community'). In its strongest grade 'communion' entails a profound meeting or encounter – non just with other people, just also with God and creation. One example hither would be the Christian communion of saints – the spiritual wedlock between each Christian and Christ (and hence between every Christian). Another is Martin Buber's interest in meeting and 'the between'.

There is, of course, a potent possibility that these different ways of approaching community will also overlap in particular instances. Place and interest communities may well coincide – for example in the case of places where many of those who live at that place work in the same industry – such as was the case in 'mining villages'. Willmott (1989) argues that it is legitimate to add a 3rd understanding of customs – that of attachment – as communities of place or involvement may not have a sense of shared identity.

Anthony P. Cohen's (1982; 1985) work effectually belonging and attachment is a corking assistance in this respect. He argues that communities are all-time approached as 'communities of meaning'. In other words, '"community" plays a crucial symbolic role in generating people's sense of belonging' (Crow and Allan 1994: 6). The reality of customs, Cohen argues, lies in its members' perception of the vitality of its culture (a pregnant element of this is what Putnam calls 'social capital' – run across below). "People construct customs symbolically, making it a resource and repository of meaning, and a referent of their identity' (Cohen 1985: 118). This, and the higher up give-and-take, leads usa to 3 key questions:

• How is one community or communion marked off from another?
• What sort of social networks or systems are involved in a particular grouping or encounter?
• What norms or 'habits' are involved?

Boundary and community

Cohen argues that 'community' involves two related suggestions that the members of a group have something in mutual with each other; and the thing held in common distinguishes them in a significant way from the members of other possible groups (Cohen 1985: 12). Community, thus, implies both similarity and departure. It is a relational idea: 'the opposition of one community to others or to other social entities' (op. cit.). This leads us to the question of boundary – what marks the kickoff and end of a community?

Cohen'due south statement is that boundaries may exist marked on a map (as administrative areas), or in law, or by physical features like a river or road. Some may be religious or linguistic. Yet, non all boundaries are and then obvious: 'They may exist idea of, rather, as existing in the minds of the beholders' (Cohen 1985: 12). As such they may be seen in very unlike ways, not only by people on either side, but likewise by people on the same side. This is the symbolic aspect of customs (or communion) boundary and is fundamental to gaining an appreciation of how people experience communities (and communion). An obvious example of this is the sorts of ritual people connect with in terms of religious observance, for example, the rites of worship, the objects involved and the actions of the priest, imam or rabbi. Indeed, information technology is very meaning that the notion of community recurs in major religions:

… the Christian ideal of the communion of saints and the congregation and the Eucharist as forms of community; the centrality of umma or community in Islamic traditions and contemporary practice and theology; customs is prominent theme in Judaism, and in Buddhism. (Confucianism is non, of course, a organized religion, but neo-Confucianism is closely intertwined with Buddhism and with traditional religious cults of the family and ancestors, and Confucian norms of family and community life are politically significant in many contemporary contexts. (Frazer 1999: 24)

Each has expression has its own symbols and markers of boundaries defining who is 'in communion' or 'in community', and who is non. The defining of a boundary places some people within, and some beyond the line. The definition of 'community' or 'communion' can, thus, go an exclusionary human activity. The benefits of belonging to a particular group are denied to not-members. A very obvious example of this is the growth of 'gated communities' in the U.s. and Britain. A physical barrier is erected to keep out, in this case, those who are poor or who are seen every bit a threat (Blakely and Snyder 1997).

Community equally network and local social organization

As Lee and Newby (1983: 57) point out, the fact that people live close to i another does not necessarily mean that they take much to practice with each other. There may be trivial interaction between neighbours. It is the nature of the relationships between people and the social networks of which they are a part that is oftentimes seen as one of the more than meaning aspects of 'community'.

When people are asked about what 'community' ways to them, it is such networks that are virtually commonly cited. 'For most of united states of america, our deepest sense of belonging is to our nearly intimate social networks, particularly family and friends. Beyond that perimeter lie work, church, neighbourhood, civic life, and [an] array of other "weak ties"' (Putnam 2000: 274). Likewise as helping united states to build a sense of self and individuality, such informal relationships 'also enable us to navigate our way around the demands and contingencies of everyday living' (Allan 1996: ii). In a very influential written report, Bott (1957: 99) argued that the immediate social environs of urban families was best considered, 'not as the local area in which they live, but rather as the network of actual social relationships they maintain, regardless of whether these are confined to the local surface area or run beyond its boundaries'. For many social scientists, the thought of 'network' was bonny because information technology could exist mapped and measured. Writers similar Stacey (1969) gave upwards on community as a 'not-concept' and instead explored local social systems. The 'connectedness' (or density) (and other qualities) of social networks help explicate or, at least describe, key aspects of people's experiences.

An example of what analyzing networks tin can tell united states is provided past Wenger's report of the support received by older people in Due north Wales (1984; 1989; 1995 and discussed by Allan 1996: 125-six). She looked at the changing composition of networks using three criteria: the availability of close kin; the level of involvement of family unit, friends and neighbours; and the level of interaction with voluntary and customs groups. As a event she identified five types of support network. The commonest form was the second followed by the starting time – and tended to be the nigh 'robust' in terms of providing people with informal support (Allan 1996: 126).

Exhibit 1: Wenger on back up networks for older people

Wenger identified v types in her written report:

• the local family unit-dependent support network. This mainly relied on close kin, who often shared a household or lived locally.
• the locally integrated support network. This typically consisted of local family, friends and neighbours.
• the local self-contained support network. Usually restricted in scale and containing mainly neighbours, this form had relatively little kin involvement.
• the wider community-focused back up network. Involving a high level of community activities, this form also typically entailed a loftier number of friends and kin.
• the individual restricted support network. Characterized by an absence of close kin, aside from a spouse in some cases, this 'type' likewise meant few friends or neighbours.

The nature of the networks within in particular identify or grouping is, thus, of fundamental importance when making judgments most 'communities' – and the extent to which people can flourish within them. Humans are social animals. Connection and interaction both widen and deepen what we can achieve, and makes possible our individual graphic symbol. It may fifty-fifty sally as 'communion' (see below).

At that place are potent forces working confronting the formation and health of local social systems. Increasingly we operate beyond significant distances (for example, via messages, the telephone and the net) when dealing with financial matters such as banking, shopping and the payment of bills (Beck 1992; Giddens 1984). The various forces linked to globalization (commodification, marketization and the corporatization) have led to significant shifts in the locus of power. Governments (whether local or national) take go increasingly market-driven. 'It is not just that governments tin can no longer "manage" their national economies', Colin Leys (2001: 1) comments, 'to survive in part they must increasingly "manage" national politics in such a ways equally to adapt them to the pressures of trans-national market forces'. This has entailed 2 particular dynamics: a growing centralization in fundamental areas of policymaking in many countries (with local agencies having to encounter to centrally-determined targets with regard to the manner in which they work and the outcomes they reach); and a hugely increased presence of commercial enterprises in local services with the obvious result of an erosion of democracy and the notion of there being public goods.

The combined impact of this movement is a bulldoze towards encouraging people to view themselves as consumers of services (rather than participants) and an associated move towards individualization from more collective concerns. In this situation, as Zygmunt Bauman (2001: 3) has commented, nosotros may well look longingly at the notion of 'community – information technology is the 'kind of earth which is not, regrettably, available to us – but which we would dearly dear to inhabit and which we hope to reclaim'. However, in a world where market ideologies have go dominant and infused all areas of life, nosotros accept increasingly lost a sense of working together to make modify.

Insecurity affects us all, immersed as we all are in a a fluid and unpredictable world of deregulation, flexibility, competitiveness and endemic uncertainty, merely each ane of united states suffers anxiety on our own, as a individual trouble, an outcome of personal failings and a challenge to our provide savoir-faire and agility. We are called, every bit Ulrich Beck has acidly observed, to seek biographical solutions to more than systematic contradictions; we look for individual salvation from shared troubles. That strategy is unlikely to bring the results we are afterward, since it leaves the roots of insecurity intact; moreover it is precisely this falling back on our private wits and resources that injects the earth with the insecurity we wish to escape. (Bauman 2001: 144)

It was this over-focus on individual troubles (as against public issues) that was a central feature of C. Wright Mills' work – and his argument that nosotros to retain an appreciation of both, and the relationships between them, retains its power.

Community – norms and habits

Whether people are tending to appoint with one another is dependent upon the norms of a detail society or community – and the extent to which individuals make them what de Tocqueville, writing in the first half of the nineteenth century, called 'habits of the heart' (1994: 287) – and this leads the states back to our initial discussion of community as a value. To judge the quality of life within a particular community we, need to explore what shared expectations there are well-nigh the way people should comport – and whether different individuals take these on.

Three linked qualities appear with some regularity in discussions of communal life:

• Tolerance – an openness to others; curiosity; perchance fifty-fifty respect, a willingness to heed and acquire (Walzer 1997: 11).
• Reciprocity – Putnam (2000) describes generalized reciprocity thus: 'I'll exercise this for y'all now, without expecting anything immediately in render, and maybe without even knowing you, confident that down the route y'all or someone else volition return the favour'. In the brusk run there is altruism, in the long run self-interest.
• Trust – the confident expectation that people, institutions and things will deed in a consequent, honest and appropriate style (or more than accurately, 'trustworthiness' – reliability) is essential if communities are to flourish. Closely linked to norms of reciprocity and networks of civic date (Putnam 1993; Coleman 1990), social trust – trust in other people – allows people to cooperate and to develop. Trusting others does non entail us suspending our critical judgment – some people will be worthy of trust, some will not.

Ane of the fascinating things well-nigh these qualities is that in a very important sense such expectations do not need to be imposed upon people. Equally Matt Ridley (1997: 249) put information technology, 'Our minds have been congenital by selfish genes, just they take been built to be social, trustworthy and cooperative'. He continues:

Humans take social instincts. They come into the world equipped with predispositions to acquire how to cooperate, to discriminate the trustworthy from the treacherous, to commit themselves to be trustworthy, to earn good reputations, to substitution goods and information, and to divide labour… Far from beingness a universal feature of animal life, as Kropotkin believed, this instinctive cooperativeness is the very hallmark of humanity and what sets u.s. apart from other animals. (Ridley 1997: 249)

To this extent, the tillage of reciprocity, honesty and trust is less about edifice alien institutions and structures, than creating the conditions for their emergence. Cocky-interest may bring people together, just in interaction something else emerges. 'Feelings and ideas are renewed, the heart enlarged, and the understanding developed, only past the reciprocal action of men one upon another' (de Tocqueville: 515).

Fostering community – social capital

Hither I desire to suggest that a sense of belonging and the concrete feel of social networks (and the relationships of trust etc. that are involved) can bring significant benefits. Still, as we have seen, the sense of attachment and quality of social networks varies profoundly between the unlike 'communities' that people proper noun. It could be argued that nosotros should exist focusing on enhancing the quality of social networks etc. rather than the cosmos or strengthening of 'community'. (This is the line taken past writers such equally Stacey 1969). Every bit a way of appreciating the possibilities here I desire to await at the idea of social uppercase – and Putnam'southward (2000) impressive exploration and compilation of evidence concerning its wellness and benefits. From there I want to return to the idea that in coming together with others there is the possibility of communion – and that this is, for many, a highly desirable goal.

The notion of social capital is a useful way of inbound into debates about civil guild – and it is central to the arguments of Putnam and others who want to 'reclaim public life'. (Run across Beem 1999 for a discussion and critique of Putnam et al.) This is how Putnam (2000: xix) introduces the idea:

Whereas concrete majuscule refers to concrete objects and human capital refers to the properties of individuals, social capital refers to connections amid individuals – social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them. In that sense social capital is closely related to what some accept called "borough virtue." The divergence is that "social capital" calls attention to the fact that civic virtue is nigh powerful when embedded in a sense network of reciprocal social relations. A society of many virtuous only isolated individuals is non necessarily rich in social capital.

In other words, interaction enables people to build communities, to commit themselves to each other, and to knit the social textile (Beem 1999: 20).

Putnam marshals an impressive amount of textile to demonstrate that:

• Child development is powerfully shaped by social capital. Trust, networks, and norms of reciprocity within a kid'south family, school, peer group, and larger community accept far reaching furnishings on their opportunities and choices, and hence on their behaviour and evolution (ibid.: 296-306)
• Public spaces in high social-capital areas are cleaner, people are friendlier, and the streets are safer. Traditional neighbourhood "risk factors" such as high poverty and residential mobility are non every bit significant as most people presume. Places have higher crime rates in large part considering people don't participate in community organizations, don't supervise younger people, and aren't linked through networks of friends. (ibid.: 307-318)
• Economic prosperity. A growing body of research suggests that where trust and social networks flourish, individuals, firms, neighbourhoods, and even nations prosper economically. Social capital can help to mitigate the insidious effects of socioeconomic disadvantage. (ibid.: 319-325)
• Health. There appears to be a stiff human relationship betwixt the possession of social capital and amend health. 'Every bit a rough dominion of thumb, if you vest to no groups but make up one's mind to join i, you lot cut your take a chance of dying over the next year in one-half. If you smoke and belong to no groups, it's a toss-upward statistically whether y'all should cease smoking or showtime joining' (ibid.: 331). Regular club attendance, volunteering, entertaining, or church building attendance is the happiness equivalent of getting a college degree or more than doubling your income. Civic connections rival wedlock and affluence equally predictors of life happiness (ibid.: 333).

Francis Fukuyama (1999) raises some useful questions around the 'Putnam thesis' and Ladd (1999) is very critical of the approach – disputing the estimation much of the show. However, that was prior to the marshalling of bear witness in Bowling Alone (Putnam 2000). The volume is a powerful argument for the tillage of social networks and the norms of reciprocity, trustworthiness and truthfulness they entail. It also draws attention to some of the downsides of such networks – they can be oppressive and narrowing. It is, therefore, of import to work for tolerance and the acceptance, if not celebration, of difference.

Fostering community – communion

Elizabeth Frazer (2000: 83) suggests that given the sorts of conditions we have been discussing, the feel of community 'will exist both euphoric and fleeting'. Withal, there is a significant 'pay-off':

On occasion or at such times members feel a centred and bounded entity that includes the self as such; they appoint in exchanges and sharing that are personalized; the orientation to each other and to the whole engages the person and, as some are tempted to put it, his or her soul. It is from such occasions that 'the spirit of community' or 'sense of community' is accomplished. Here I think we have the 'pay-off' of customs… In the relation of customs physical patterns of material social relations are felt to be transcended… [T]he aspiration to customs is an aspiration to a kind of connectedness that transcends the mundane and concrete tangle of social relationships.

This moment of transcendence or connection has been explored by various writers – but for me Martin Buber's work effectually encounter and community has been the most suggestive.

For Buber run into (Begegnung) has a significance beyond co-presence and individual growth. He looked for means in which people could engage with each other fully – to come across with themselves. The bones fact of human existence was non the private or the collective as such, but 'Homo with Human' (Buber 1947). As Aubrey Hodes puts it:

When a homo being turns to some other as another, every bit a particular and specific person to exist addressed, and tries to communicate with him through language or silence, something takes place between them which is not found elsewhere in nature. Buber called this coming together between men the sphere of the between. (1973: 72)

Encounter (Begegnung) is an issue or state of affairs in which relation (Beziehung) occurs. We can merely abound and develop, according to Buber, once we have learned to live in relation to others, to recognize the possibilities of the infinite between united states of america. The key ways is dialogue. 'All real living is meeting' he one time wrote.

Such meeting isn't just between two people. Buber believed that in such encounters the eternal could exist glimpsed. In speech and silence there was peachy possibility. In dialogue, a person is nowadays to another (and the other), they are attentive and aware – listening and waiting. In the stillness of this 'in-between globe' they may come across what cannot yet be put into words.

Education and customs

The instance for community as an aim of instruction (or at least the cultivation of social networks and the associated business concern with reciprocity, trust and tolerance) is stiff. Indeed, nosotros may follow Dewey and argue that working so that all may share in a common life is the aim of educational activity. We may as well join with Buber and seek to brainwash so that people may meet each other as truly human. In that location is too an interesting question of ends and means. Can we educate for community without being in community? Certainly, this has been a key question inside debates around schooling for community . In the terminal few years the thought of customs has been the subject of renewed focus amongst those advancing the communitarian agenda (e.g. Etzioni 1995). For educators at that place are a number of implications as James Arthur (2000) has noted. One of the strongest questions hither has been the tendency of political communitarians to turn a fairly authoritarian furrow.

Our problem in this context is the sheer scale of the task at hand. Increased centralization in many areas of government, globalization and the insinuation of market-thinking into many areas of social life undermine the quality of local social systems and obstruct communion. However, the management we must take is articulate. As Zygmunt Bauman (2001: 149) has argued we need to work to 'gain control over the conditions under which nosotros struggle with the challenges of life'. For the most of usa 'such command can be gained only collectively'.

Farther reading

Anderson, B. (1991) Imagined Communities. Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism rev edn., London: Verso. 224 + xv pages. Exploration of the processes that created the global spread of the 'imagined communities' of nationality.

Arthur, J. with Bailey, R. (2000) Schools and Community. The communitarian calendar in educational activity, London: Falmer. 165 + nine pages. Helpful review of the main communitarian themes and what might constitute the 'communitarian calendar'. Arthur and Bailey bring out some of the contrasting 'traditions' of thinking and do and link these, in particular, to schooling. There is also a discussion of the place of religiously affiliated schools.

Bauman, Z. (2001) Seeking Safety in an insecure earth, Cambridge: Polity Press. 159 pages. Useful overview of the idea in the context of electric current debates about the nature and futurity of gild.

Beem, C. (1999) The Necessity of Politics. Reclaiming American public life, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 311 + 14 pages. Useful study of civil lodge and the essential role of political processes in the renewal of societies.

Bell, C. and Newby, H. (1971) Community Studies, London: Unwin. 262 pages. Archetype overview of community studies (American and European) with a useful affiliate discussing theories of customs.

Bramson, L. (ed.) (1970) Robert MacIver on Community, Power and Society, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 319 pages. Interesting drove of MacIver'south work – some of it dating back to the early decades of the century. The chapters on community, clan and society are well worth a dip.

Cohen, A. P. (1985) The Symbolic Construction of Community, London: Tavistock (now Routledge). 128 pages. Outstanding exploration of 'community' that focuses on it as a cultural phenomenon. Cohen looks at the means in which the boundaries to communities are symbolically divers and how people become aware of belonging to a customs. Chapters examine the 'classical' tradition of customs and the contribution of the Chicago tradition; symbolizing boundaries; communities of meaning; and the symbolic construction of community.

Cohen, A. P. (ed.) (1982) Belonging. Identity and social organisation in British rural cultures, Manchester: University of Manchester Press. 325 + ten pages. This book examines the nature of belonging; social association within localities; and how these may relate to wider appreciations of nation. The volume includes some excellent material from ethnographic studies of six rural communities: Anthony Cohen on Whalsay, Shetland; Marilyn Strathern on Elmdon; Isabel Emmett on Blaenau Ffestiniog; Peter Mewett on a Lewis crofting community; Sidsel Saugestad Larson on Kilbroney; and Robin Fox on Tory Island.

Crow, 1000. and Allan, One thousand. (1994) Customs Life. An introduction to local social relations, Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf. 229 + xxv. First-class overview of the sociology of community in contemporary Britain. Chapters examine the various themes running through the sociology of community; community life in past generations; restructuring communities – the impact of economic alter; the significance of geographical mobility; ethnicity, solidarity and social segregation; irresolute ethics of housing and domesticity; urban redevelopment and community action; community and social policy; and the continuing importance of the folklore of community. Equally an exploration of the use of the British community studies tradition the volume is hard to fault.

Etzioni, A. (1995) The Spirit of Community. Rights responsibilities and the communitarian agenda, London: Fontana Printing. 323 + xii pages. Influential U.s.a. text that argues for the balancing of individualism with social responsibility. The section titles provide an insight into the line: shoring upward morality; as well many rights, too few responsibilities; the public involvement.

Etzioni, A. (1997) The New Golden Rule. Customs and morality in a democratic society, London: Contour Books. 314 + xxi pages. Interesting evolution of communitarian debates based around what Etzioni sees as the two cardinal founding principles and core virtues of the skillful society: social order (based on moral values) and autonomy (or "thick" liberty). The "golden rule" is where these are in equilibrium.

Frazer, E. (1999) The Problem of Communitarian Politics. Unity and conflict, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 279 + ix pages. Very helpful exploration and critique of the subject with some useful textile on community.

Hoggett, P. (ed.) (1997) Contested Communities: experiences, struggles, policies, Bristol: Policy Printing ISBN ane 86134 036 ii. £15.95. Following introductory essays on contested communities (Hoggett) and neighbours (Crow), this book has sections on customs and social diverseness; local government and community; and community participation and empowerment. The book uses a set of case studies to examine the sources of customs activism, the ways communities define themselves and defined by outsiders, and the room for partnerships with different agencies. Internal conflicts inside communities are also examined.

Lindeman, Due east. C. (1921) The Customs. An introduction to the written report of community leadership and organization, New York: Association Printing. Influential early book past a figure fundamental to the development of breezy adult didactics.

Putnam, R. D. (2000) Bowling Lonely. The plummet and revival of American customs, New York: Simon and Schuster. 541 pages. Vivid setting out of assay and evidence apropos the reject and possible reconstruction of civil life in the Us.

Suttles, G. (1972)The Social Construction of Community, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Influential work that argues for the significance of individuals and groups in the construction of communities.

Tönnies, F. (1955) Customs and Association, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. 293 + xxxiv pages. Tönnies' 1887 work still repays reading. Attention tends to focus on the apparent oppositions of gemeinshaft (community) and gesellschaft (association or society) – but there is far more here.

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Links

Bowling Alone: gear up of pages linked to the volume that includes downloadable datasets.

Acknowledgement: The movie 'Happy colors in the sky' is by rogilde and is reproduced here under a Creative Commons Licence (Attribution-Non-Commercial-No Derivative Works ii.0 Generic). flickr – http://www.flickr.com/photos/42903611@N00/495216454/

How to cite this article: Smith, G. K. (2001, 2002, 2013). 'Customs' in The encyclopedia of pedagogy and informal education. [https://infed.org/mobi/community/. Retrieved: insert date].

© Mark K. Smith 2001, 2002, 2013.

Terminal Updated on April 27, 2020 by

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Source: https://infed.org/mobi/community/

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